The BBC's Africa editor Fergal Keane travels to the
Democratic Republic of Congo's central Kasai region, a land littered
with tears and
mass graves.
mass graves.
Day by day the truth recedes
from view. It is concealed by thick grasses. Only a few fragments of
bone and shreds of cloth reach from the earth and demand attention.
"The
blood is speaking," said "Papa" Isaac, a local translator with the UN
in Tshimbulu town in the central Kasai region. He had brought us to the
centre of a field where, he says, "the blood of my brothers is
speaking".
Nobody knows how many bodies the army dumped here.
A
woman working in a field nearby approached, curious at at the presence
of UN soldiers. Her 12-year-old son was among those buried in the grave.
"The military were burying the bodies. We saw where they stopped
and how they dug to bury the corpses… some were as young as 12," she
sad.
"They did not only kill the militia. They killed innocent people."
The violence began last spring when long-simmering resentment
exploded into rebellion against a central government seen as remote and
corrupt, whose police and army were feared for their brutality.
The spark was the refusal of the government to recognise a traditional chief, Kamina Nsapu, and the imposition of its own man.
In
August the chief was killed by security forces, but his followers
struck back, killing all whom they regarded as collaborators of the
state.
In the fighting that followed, nearly 1.4 million people were displaced, among them around 850,000 children.
Kasai
is now in the grip of a hunger crisis caused by the displacement of
subsistence farmers who cannot plant crops to feed their families.
In the two weeks we spent in Kasai, the consequences of violence were shockingly evident.
We
saw it in the skeletal frames of malnourished children, the teeming
crowds of women and children sheltering still in church buildings, and
we heard the testimonies of those who had survived atrocities of immense
cruelty.
There have been mass beheadings by militias. Villagers gunned down by soldiers.
A
woman stripped, beaten, publicly raped and then beheaded because she
was accused of treachery by the Kamina Nsapu militia. It forced her
stepson to carry out the sexual assault.
A voter registration activist for elections due next year, Prosper
Ntambue, became a target because he was regarded as a representative of
the state.
His office was burned but he survived.
However,
tragedy continued to stalk the family: his daughter and son-in-law were
captured at a roadblock, taken away and beheaded.
Their crime? The son-in-law was an engineer who maintained roads for the government.
Mr Ntambue showed me a photograph of the couple's five children, taken when the family was still a family.
"Their children are orphaned and they have remained here. I take care of them now," he told me.
The
state's response to the uprising was pitiless. The army and police
turned their guns on militia members, often villagers armed with
homemade weapons and wearing charms they believed would protect them
from bullets. But civilians who had no link to the Kamina Nsapu were
also killed.
In some areas the instability exposed ethnic
rivalries, but it would be a grave mistake to characterise what took
place as "ethnic" violence.
It was the violence of the poor and the alienated in a place where the state was anything but an impartial actor.
We
spoke to numerous witnesses who described atrocities by the security
forces and the Bana Mura militia, which supports the government. The
witnesses asked us to protect their identities for fear of reprisal by
the army.
By the side of the Kasai River in the town of Tshikapa a
man pointed at the fast-flowing current. He was remembering the bodies
toppling into the river to be swept away downstream.
"The
military were taking people and throwing them into the river. People
started to run away and hide. They followed them, killed them and threw
them into the river," he said.
Sheltering in a church building, a mother told us how three of her
four children were beheaded by the Bana Mura militia. She pleaded with
the army to intervene but they did not stop the killers. Her mind is
flooded with the imagery of a night of killing.
"I saw people with
machetes, guns and clubs. They were beheading people, cutting arms and
legs, slashing bellies. I had to climb over dead bodies to flee," she
said.
Another mother told how she and her 15-year-old daughter were taken by the militia to separate farms.
The
child who sat opposite us did not look more than 12. In a low monotone
her mother recounted how she had been violated so many times she could
not count.
"I only found that my daughter had been raped
afterwards," she said. "There is great bitterness in my heart that my
child has been defiled. She is just a kid."
In Kasai, only the UN stands between the people and exactions of the
state and different militias. Unlike eastern DR Congo, the UN does not
work alongside the army in Kasai. It is a stance that speaks loudly
about the army's record.
But the UN is under pressure. It has fewer than 20,000 troops in a country two-thirds the size of western Europe.
Even this relatively small force is being cut back by 3,000 as the United States moves to reduce the costs of peacekeeping.
Not
all of DR Congo is under threat of violence but besides Kasai there
have been renewed outbreaks in the east, where 15 peacekeepers were
killed last week, and in Tanganyika where hundreds of thousands are
displaced.
I asked the UN's chief in Kasai, Charles Frisby, what
could be achieved with so few troops? "Quite simply imagine what would
happen if they were not here," he replied.
It is not a vista
anybody who has recently visited Kasai would wish to contemplate. The
region bristles with subdued violence. There is no real peace to keep in
Kasai, only a daily effort to hold back the forces of chaos.
Source:BBC NEWS